Sexual violence was measured as nonconsensual sexual acts, abusive sexual contacts, staff sexual misconduct, and staff sexual harassment. Results of the review revealed that 5,528 allegations of sexual violence were recorded in 2004, with prison systems reporting 42% of those allegations. Specifically, staff sexual misconduct yielded the highest rate (with 1.31 allegations/1,000 inmates) and inmate-on-inmate nonconsensual acts yielded the second highest rate (1.16 allegations/1,000 inmates). Additional rates are reviewed concerning substantiated incidents, victim and perpetrator demographics, and administrative responses to sexual violence within corrections.
These summaries were written by SVPEP staff and are based on original papers published within the last 6 years. The information available on this web site is provided as a public service and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the U.S. Centers of Disease Control and Prevention, the Arizona Department of Health Services, or the University of Arizona. To conduct an individual search or locate older articles use the Search Summary Database which includes over 600 articles related to sexual violence.
Prison Rape
Beck, A. J., & Hughes, T. A. (2005). Sexual violence reported by correctional authorities, 2004. Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice. NCJ 210333. Available online at: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/svrca04.htm
Decker, M. R., Raj, A., & Silverman, J. G. (2007). Sexual violence against adolescent girls: Influences of immigration and acculturation. Violence Against Women, 13, 498-513.
Researchers looked at data from Massachusetts Youth Risk Behavior Surveys conducted in 1999, 2001, and 2003 to identify associations between immigrant status, acculturation, and sexual assault among adolescent girls (N = 5,919). Fifteen percent of girls in the sample had experienced sexual violence (defined as “sexual contact against your will”). Immigrant girls had twice the risk for recurrent sexual violence compared with non-immigrant girls. Compared with the total sample (including other immigrants), immigrant girls aged 15 or younger and Black adolescent immigrant girls were at increased risk for recurrent sexual assault. Although researchers found significant sexual violence risks for all sexually active girls, sexually active immigrant Hispanic girls were at greater risk compared with nonimmigrant sexually active Hispanic girls. Recommendations for further studies included a break down of ethnic identification and country of origin (this study collapsed both); exploring the relationship of the perpetrators and victims; and separating and quantifying measures of consensual and non-consensual sexual activity.
Respondents may not have distinguished between having had intercourse voluntarily or through force or coercion, which may have resulted in girls who had only experienced abuse being labeled sexually active. Researchers were unable to identify the relationship of the perpetrator to the victim. Highest-risk adolescents may not have been in school and may not have been represented in the study.
Hensley, C., Koscheski, M., & Tewksbury, R. (2005). Examining the characteristics of male sexual assault targets in a southern maximum-security prison. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 20, 667-679.
In this paper, the authors present an overview of the literature concerning sexual victimization among inmates whereby the purpose of this study is to elucidate demographic and behavioral characteristics of targets of sexual assault within correctional facilities. The sample included 142 inmates from within a maximum-security correctional facility for men. Inmates were given a questionnaire that included items addressing consensual inmate sex and sexual coercion/assault. Results demonstrated that, while incarcerated, 18.3% of the sample had been sexual targets and 8.5% had been sexually assaulted. Additional findings are presented along with a discussion of the significance of sexual orientation as a risk factor for sexual victimization during incarceration.
Miller, K. L. (2010). The darkest figure of crime: Perceptions of reasons for male inmates to not report sexual assault. Justice Quarterly, 27, 692-712.
This study examined the reasons male inmates perceived that their peers do not report sexual assault among 396 inmates in 8 Texas prisons. This study is part of a larger project, The Prison Climate Survey. The three most common reasons inmates believed that sexual assault is not reported are embarrassment, retaliation from other inmates, and a fear of harassment and continued victimization by other inmates. Older inmates and minority populations were more likely to report a fear of harassment as the primary reason to not report. Inmates who were more educated reported that fear of retaliation was the primary reason not to report. Inmates in facilities with more correctional officers were more likely to report not wanting to be placed in safekeeping as a result of reporting. Inmates should be educated on sexual assault and inmates who feel most marginalized (older & minority inmates) should be targeted for additional education programs. Inmates should receive certain protections if they report sexual assault.
The study examined perceptions of sexual victimization, not actual sexual victimization.
Morash, M., Jeong, S. J., & Zang, N. L. (2010). An exploratory study of the characteristics of men known to commit prisoner-on-prisoner sexual violence. The Prison Journal, (online).
This study examined 175 officially substantiated inmate-on-inmate sexual violence cases that occurred between 1998 and 2006 in one Midwestern state correctional facility. Officially substantiated cases were misconduct cases with hearing findings of guilt. Two different types of sexual incidents were identified: a threat, attempt, or actual penetration and unwanted touching (grabbing, rubbing, or fondling a sleeping inmate). Findings suggested that sexual abuse victimization as a child, serving a life sentence, and adult sexual assault convictions predicted perpetration of unwanted sexual touching. Sexual penetration was predicted by a history of juvenile robbery, adult sexual assault convictions, and more years in prison. For each additional year in prison, the likelihood of being a perpetrator of a penetration incident increased by 15.5%. Besides sex offender treatment while in prison and other interventions are needed to protect inmates from victimization.
Only substantiated cases of sexual violence were measured; results do not include other acts of sexual violence that may have occurred or were reported.
Wolff, N., Blitz, C., Shi, J., Bachman, R., Siegel, J. (2006). Sexual violence inside prisons: Rates of victimization. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 835-848.
To estimate the prevalence of sexual violence in a prison system, male (n=6,964) and female inmates (n=564) in twelve prisons in a small eastern state completed a computer-assisted survey. Inmates were asked about incidents involving abusive sexual contact and non-consensual sex acts by other inmates or by prison staff within the last 6 months. Females reported inmate-on-inmate sexual violence at 212 incidents per 1000 inmates while males reported only 43 incidents per 1000 inmates. Rates of non-consensual sex (inmate on inmate) were 32 per 1000 for women and 15 per for men. Staff-on-inmate sexual victimization rates were the same for men and women (76 per 1000), with men reporting 19 per 1000 incidents of non-consensual sex vs. 17 per 1000 for women. This study had a good response rate (average 39%) from all inmates housed in general population. Because rates of sexual violence varied by the site, future studies should look at factors that can minimize risks. Inmate experiences of trauma and disease from forced sex should be addressed to prevent them from contributing to the ill health of their community when they are released.