The purpose of this study was to examine how personal attitudes and perceived peer attitudes about sexual aggression predicted college men’s willingness to intervene against sexual assault. Participants included 395 students from a medium-sized university in the Midwest. Findings indicated that perceived peer norms regarding sexual aggression were more relevant to men’s willingness to intervene against sexual aggression than personal attitudes supporting sexual aggression. Overall, men higher in both personal support and perceived peer support for sexual aggression reported less willingness to intervene. Sexual assault prevention programs may be more successful if the topic of bystander intervention is presented in the context of a discussion about sexual violence norms, not just personal beliefs about sexual violence.
These summaries were written by SVPEP staff and are based on original papers published within the last 6 years. The information available on this web site is provided as a public service and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the U.S. Centers of Disease Control and Prevention, the Arizona Department of Health Services, or the University of Arizona. To conduct an individual search or locate older articles use the Search Summary Database which includes over 600 articles related to sexual violence.
Myths & Stereotypes
Brown, A. L., & Messman-Moore, T. L. (2010). Personal and perceived peer attitudes supporting sexual aggression as predictors of male college students’ willingness to intervene against sexual aggression. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 25, 503-517.
The sample only included males enrolled in college so results may not be generalizable to other populations of men. Support for sexual aggression and willingness to intervene questionnaires have not yet been validated.
Brown, C. (2008). Gender-role implications on same-sex intimate partner abuse. Journal of Family Violence, 23, 457-462.
The paper explores the effects that gender role socialization and heterosexism have on same-sex abusive relationships and stigma and barriers to reporting abuse. It summarizes similarities and differences of heterosexual and same-sex couples. A framework for professionals and issues created by minority stress are also discussed.
Most of the literature reviewed focuses on lesbian couples due to the fact there is little literature regarding IPV among gay men.
Chapleau, K.M., Oswald, D.L., & Russell, B.L. (2008). Male rape myths: The role of gender, violence, and sexism. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23, 600-615.
The goals of this study were to examine male rape myths and to look at variables that may be associated with three male rape myths; denial, blame, and trauma. The specific variables under investigation were; acceptance of interpersonal violence, sex beliefs and ambivalent sexism towards men. The study sample consisted of 423 college students from a medium sized, private Catholic university and a small Eastern public college. Using the Male Rape Myth Scale, the results found that men were more supportive of rape myths in general than women. Both men’s and women’s acceptance of rape myths did not significantly differ based on the gender of the victim. Ideologies that support rape of women were also associated with rape myths about men.
The sample size was small, primarily female (65%), and Caucasian (85%).
Choate, L. H. (2003). Sexual assault prevention programs for college men: An exploratory evaluation of the Men Against Violence model. Journal of College Counseling, 6, 166-176.
The focus of these programs generally includes risk reduction and self-defense, among other preventative measures. Previous studies have shown that fraternities may reinforce rape myth acceptance among members; therefore, the current study implemented a date and acquaintance rape prevention program aimed to educate male college students affiliated with fraternities. The participants included 149 male fraternity members from a large, public university. Each participant attended a peer led, 1-hour program derived from the Men Against Violence (MAV) student organization program model. The issues addressed during the program were: (a) rape statistics, (b) legal definitions of rape, (c) rape myth acceptance, and (d) repercussions from drug usage in the facilitation of rape. After completing the program, the participants were asked to fill out an evaluation developed to record how the program content affected each of the men. Results of the qualitative analysis indicated that the program was informational – especially in the areas of legal definitions of rape and the harmful nature of gamma hydroxybutyrate (GHB), a date rape drug. Further analysis showed that many of the men believed the most important element of the program was the dispelling of rape myth beliefs that can potentially lead to rape. Results from this study suggest a need for more rape prevention programs for college men. Important attributes of such programs should include the clarification of rape definitions and a strong focus on the elimination of rape myth acceptance beliefs.
Connop, V., & Petrak, J. (2004). The impact of sexual assault on heterosexual couples. Sexual & Relationship Therapy, 19, 29-38.
The purpose of this study was to examine how male partners react to their partner’s sexual assault and what happens to the couples’ interactions. Participants were recruited through a sexual assault clinic and through press advertisements. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 6 males whose previous or current partners had been sexually assaulted and with 3 females who had been sexually assaulted and had disclosed their assault to their partners. Interviews revealed that 8 of the 9 participants had a partner who had experienced acquaintance rape – or, in the case of the female participants, had been the victim of acquaintance rape. In analyzing the interviews, four themes were identified: (a) the male partner’s role in providing support, (b) communication, (c) anger and blame, and (d) the impact of the assault on the sexual relationship. Many of the male participants indicated that they felt they should put their partner’s needs first and felt exhausted by their role in supporting their partner. Men also revealed a common assumption relating to socio-cultural scripts concerning heterosexual relationships; namely, the idea that they ought to protect their women. Relationship disturbances and communication problems were also reported to have increased in the aftermath of the assault. While at times the men enunciated rape myths, they could not be categorized either as viewing the rape as a sexual act or as a violent act (as the prior research study had indicated). A final issue noted by participants was how the sexual assault increased their difficulty in performing and enjoying sexual activity. Suggested implications of the findings for service provision include the benefit of couple-based counseling and counseling to support male partners’ support needs and psychosexual issues.
Davis, K. C., Norris, J., George, W. H., Martell, J., & Heiman, J. R. (2006). Men’s likelihood of sexual aggression: The influence of alcohol, sexual arousal, and violent pornography. Aggressive Behavior, 32, 581-589.
A total of 84 male social drinkers between 21-45 years old were randomly assigned to a group that received alcohol or a group that did not. Both groups were then asked to read one of two rape scenarios which differed by whether the victim experienced pleasure during the rape. Three factors related to sexual response were measured: alcohol intoxication; belief that intoxicated women were vulnerable to sexual coercion; and a victim’s positive sexual response to rape. The single factor that predicted reporting likelihood of sexual aggression was a high level of sexual arousal. Intoxication and belief in drinking women’s vulnerability were not directly linked to increased aggression, although they were related to arousal. Both sober and intoxicated men reported greater arousal when the victim’s response in the scenario was positive. If any of the factors were present without increased arousal, they were not related to increased aggression.
Testing only two levels of intoxication (sober or drunk), self-report of arousal without physiological measures, and lack of measurement of men’s actual aggressive behavior. The study did not look at how likely men were to report the probability of aggressive sexual behavior if they were not exposed to violent pornography.
Davis, T. L., & Liddell, D. L. (2002). Getting inside the house: The effectiveness of a rape prevention program for college fraternity men. Journal of College Student Development, 43, 35-50.
Studies on perpetrators of stranger rape have suggested psychopathology as the cause of their actions, according to sociocultural theory, perpetrators of acquaintance rape and date rape may be motivated by gender role ideology. The authors of this study investigated whether sex role socialization modifies males’ attitudes and beliefs condoning rape. A total of 90 fraternity men (between the ages of 18–23 years old), attending a large college in the Midwest, were asked to participate in this study. The participants were divided into three groups: (a) a control group, (b) a group that attended a traditional date rape prevention program, and (c) a group that attended a program aimed at identifying and addressing the gender role ideals of the participants. Each group attended one 90-minute session and was given a pretest, posttest, and a follow-up posttest. Results indicate that both of the treatment groups exhibited lower acceptance of rape myths and an increased understanding of coercion and consent; with the group that attended the traditional date rape prevention program retaining the most information about consent/coercion after six weeks. Gender role conflict was significantly associated with rape myth acceptance. Future research might investigate whether more long-term rape prevention program regimens would prove to have longer lasting effects on gender role ideals and attitudes contributing to acquaintance rape and date rape perpetration.
Farris, C., Treat, T. A., Viken, R. J., & McFall, R. M. (2008). Sexual coercion and the misperception of sexual intent. Clinical Psychology Review, 28, 48-66.
This review article focused on gender differences on the perception of female sexual behaviors and intents, the association between sexual coercion and misperception, situational factors that may increase misperception, and clinical implications. The study concentrated on sexually coercive behavior, between partners, that is not premeditated but purposeful and on men’s ability to distinguish sexual interest from platonic interest. Men were more likely to perceive more sexual intent in a woman’s behavior but this gender difference may be attributed to a small sub-group of males at high risk for sexual coercion or men more supportive of sex-role stereotypes. Some situational factors were correlated with an increase in men’s estimates of women’s sexual intent.
It is difficult to assess perception and interpret observed differences in perception. Most literature assumes that men are prone to perceive sexual intent where it does not exist and that women’s perception of sexual intent of other women is the standard to measure interest.
Finch, E., & Munro, V. E. (2005). Juror stereotypes and blame attribution in rape cases involving intoxicants: The findings of a pilot study. British Jounal of Criminology, 45, 25-38.
The authors outline some of the difficulties in defining drug-assisted rape; particularly, the impact drugs such as Rohypnol and GHB have by inducing amnesiac effects and reducing the possibility of consent. Noteworthy is the very fact that the inability to provide consent lies at the core of what defines rape. However, the authors note also that the issue of consent is without legal specification – whether in its definition or in determining the absence or presence thereof. The pilot study involved two focus groups and a trial simulation whereby four themes influenced the participants’ decision-making process: victim’s responsibility, defendant’s intentions, the parity of the parties’ intoxication, and the victim’s response to intoxication. Participants’ attribution of blame and responsibility were impacted by misperceptions concerning the actual impact of such drugs, belief in rape myths, and consideration of the defendant’s motivation in administering intoxicants.
Groce, N. E., & Trasi, R. (2004). Rape of individuals with disability: AIDS and the folk belief of virgin cleansing. The Lancet, 363, 1663-1664.
This paper outlines the central issues surrounding the rape of disabled individuals as perpetrated by individuals infected with HIV. One study cited documented the virgin rape of disabled persons in 14 out of 21 countries assessed. Disabled people are particularly at risk of victimization given the specifics of their respective disability (i.e., blind, deaf, physically impaired, or intellectually disabled) as well as the challenges and barriers they face within the legal environment. For example, in the event that they do try to disclose their victimization, officials often reject their reports, assuming them to be confused. In some regions, individuals with disability are not even permitted to file a police report or to appear in court. All of these factors – in addition to the presence of a disability alone – enhances their level of risk and vulnerability to being victimized within this folk belief system.
Hassouneh, D., & Glass, N. (2008). The influence of gender role stereotyping on women’s experiences of female same-sex intimate partner violence. Violence Against Women, 14, 310-325.
This article reported the qualitative findings of a study that examined risk factors for female same-sex intimate partner violence (FSSIPV) within individual, familial, community, and societal contexts. Fifty-two women between the ages of 15 and 64 participated in individual or group interviews. Four themes emerged from the study. Three themes, girls don’t hit girls, myth of lesbian utopia, and the belief that two women cannot really hurt one another, indicated that there may be a lack of awareness of FSSIPV, denial, and minimization of women’s use of violence. The theme, playing the feminine victim, suggests that there needs to be specific education and training about FSSIPV for those who work in criminal justice system.
This is a qualitative study based on a small sample size.
Lacasse, A. & Mendelson, M. J. (2007). Sexual coercion among adolescents: Victims and perpetrators. Violence Against Women, 22, 424-437.
Students in a suburban Quebec school were asked if other students had verbally harassed them, made non-coercive sexual contact (e.g., unwanted kissing) or attempted to obtain sexual favors using blackmail or force in the previous 3 months. They were also asked if they had perpetrated those acts on another student. The study included 37 students who reported being victimized and 21 who reported perpetrating the behavior. These groups were then compared with a matched control sample of students. Female students who were victims (n=27) were more likely to endorse sexist attitudes than other girls; boys who were perpetrators were more likely to endorse sexist attitudes than other boys. All victims were more likely to use drugs and alcohol than controls or perpetrators. Both victims and perpetrators were involved with more deviant behaviors than controls.
A small sample size; students were only asked about peer-related behaviors outside of romantic relationships, which may have resulted in underreporting of victimization; and the perceived severity of the experiences was not assessed.
Milhausen, R., McBride, K. & Jun, M. (2006). Evaluating a peer-led, theatrical sexual assault prevention program: How do we measure success? College Student Journal, 40, 316-328.
Researchers evaluated the success of a peer-led sexual assault prevention intervention. The program consists of a skit about a date that ended in a sexual encounter. The skit is followed by group discussion and education about sexual assault on campus.
Thirty-seven men and 37 women completed a pre- and post-test. Males were more likely than females to endorse rape-supportive myths both before and after. After the presentation, fewer males and females agreed with two measures of rape-myth acceptance, but both had a slight decrease in accepting that “No means stop.” This might be explained by ambiguity in the skit, and the researchers recommend making the point more clearly and strongly. Researchers also looked for differences in results between two instruments: the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS) and the Sexual Beliefs Scale (SBS). Because no difference was found pre- and post-test on the RMAS, but the SBS measured differences in 3 of 5 subscales, researchers suggest that the SBS is a more useful tool.
Limits of the study include a small and non-random sample. It is not known if attitude changes lasted over time.
Santana, M., Raj, A., Decker, M., La Marche, A., & Silverman, J. (2006). Masculine gender roles associated with increased sexual risk and intimate partner violence perpetration among young adult men. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 575-585.
A group of 283 men, aged 18-35, were recruited at a community health center in Boston. The men were mostly Hispanic (74.9%) and Black (21.9%), and 55% were not born in the continental US. In the previous year, 40% reported committing one or more types of intimate partner violence (IPV): sexual violence (28.3%); physical violence (27.6%); and violence causing injury and/or need for medical services (13.8%). Men who had traditional male gender role beliefs were more likely to have committed intimate partner violence (IPV) within the past year and to have unprotected vaginal sex with a primary partner than men with less traditional beliefs. However, traditional beliefs were not associated with having multiple female partners, forcing unprotected sex, or engaging in unprotected anal sex. Levels of violence were the same regardless of race/ethnicity, country of origin, or acculturation. Only a low level of education (not having a high school diploma or GED) was associated with having traditional beliefs and with committing higher rates of IPV. The results do not imply a cause-and-effect relationship between IPV and traditional beliefs. However, interventions to reduce IPV and sexual risk among young men may be more successful if they promote less traditional gender role beliefs.
Sawyer, R. G., Thompson, E. E., & Chicorelli, A. M. (2002). Rape myth acceptance among intercollegiate student athletes: A preliminary examination. American Journal of Health Studies, 18, 19-25.
The goal of this study was to provide a detailed understanding of college athletes' attitudes and perceptions toward sexual violence. Surveys were completed by 704 male and female college athletes from five public universities across the U.S. The surveys included demographic items, a revised version of Burt's Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, items relating to the definition of rape, and items on athletes’ perception of fellow athletes' involvement in sexual violence. Results showed that approximately 50% of male athletes thought that "about half" of women who reported rapes to police were lying and that "about half" of women invent the rapes that they report to police. Females, in contrast, were more likely to report that "very few" women lied or invented the rapes that they reported to police. Among men, underclassmen and participants of team sports (rather than individual-oriented sports) were more likely to subscribe to rape myths. Males participating in revenue-producing sports (e.g., football and basketball) were not more likely to support rape myths than were other athletes. While level of competition (Division I versus Division II) was not associated with rape myth acceptance among male athletes, rape myth acceptance was predicted by Division I status for female athletes. Other findings indicated that (a) female athletes were more likely to believe that nonathletes were less likely to be involved in date rapes than athletes, and (b) male athletes were more likely to believe that athletes were unfairly targeted in sexual assault or date rape incidents. Overall, the findings illustrate that college athletes are not a homogenous group and that prevention efforts can be designed and targeted accordingly.
Schewe, P. A., Adam, N. M., & Ryan, K. M. (2009). A qualitative analysis of the temptation to use force in sexual relationship. Violence and Victims, 24, 219-231.
Eighty-three undergraduate males from a university in the Mid-west were asked questions about situations in which they may have been tempted to use force or coercion to obtain sexual contact, their thoughts about rape, and methods that men used to avoid engaging in sexual coercion. Twenty-two men reported that they had been tempted to use force one or more times and 4 of those incidents resulted in nonconsensual sex. Of those 22 situations, 10 involved alcohol or drugs. The majority of men in this sample endorsed rape myths even if they did not ever feel tempted to use force or coercion. Because of the lack of group differences in scores on the Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMA), authors suggested that RMA may need to be updated.
The sample included mostly white, heterosexual males who were 19 years old.
Sleath, E. & Bull, R. (2009). Male rape victim and perpetrator blaming. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, online.
One hundred sixteen male and female undergraduate participants were presented with scenarios online in which the level of rape myths and the type of rape were manipulated. Victim blame, perpetrator blame, belief in a just world, sex-role egalitarian beliefs, and male rape myth acceptance were examined. Male rape acceptance was found to be a predictor of victim blaming. Acquaintance rape victims were blamed more than victims of stranger rape. Belief in a just world was not a predictor of perpetrator or victim blaming. Sex-role egalitarian beliefs predicted perpetrator blaming but not victim blaming. The study highlighted the importance of understanding how rape myths may influence the level of blame directed towards the victim and perpetrator. Myth acceptance may affect jury decisions and police officers’ interactions with victims and perpetrators.
The sexual orientation of male victims was not presented in the scenarios. Sexual orientation may influence level of blame assigned to victim or perpetrator.
Suarez, E. & Gadalla, T. M. (2010). Stop blaming the victim: A meta-analysis on rape myths. Journal of Interpersonal Violence. (online).
This meta-analysis examined the relationship between RMA and behavioral, attitudinal, and demographic factors. Thirty-seven articles and dissertations published over the past 10 years in the United States (34) and Canada (3) were reviewed. Findings indicated that men exhibited significantly higher endorsements of RMA than women. Associations between RMA and sexual aggression, hostile attitudes and/or aggressive behaviors toward women were found. Higher endorsement of RMA may be related with playboy behavior, sociosexuality, and high use of degrading images. Authors suggested that rape education programs should include broader strategies to address oppressive beliefs such as sexism, racism, and classism.
Causal relationships between RMA and other factors cannot be determined and some associations were only found in single studies.
Thapar-Bjorkert, S., & Morgan, K. J. (2010). “But sometimes I think…they put themselves in the situation”: Exploring blame and responsibility in interpersonal violence. Violence Against Women, 16, 32-59.
Institutional discourses that may support a culture of blame and responsibility aimed at female victims of violence were examined. In 2005, unstructured interviews were conducted with 15 volunteers (13 women, 2 men) who worked with female victims of violence in the United Kingdom. The narratives were divided into 3 themes: burden of responsibility placed on women, surveillance and normalizing judgments, and institutional attitudes. The analyses suggested that even though organizational rhetoric, policies, and measures provided immediate assistance to victims they often did not address wider social attitudes that may cause an ambiguous response from the volunteer toward the victim’s experience. Authors suggested that the civic-political culture should move away from a produced victim and focus on the social attitudes that may generate a victim.
All volunteers interviewed were recruited from a single branch of victim services during one volunteer meeting.
Wolak, J., Finkelhor, D., Mitchell, K. J., & Ybarra, M. L. (2008). Online "predators" and their victims: Myths, realities, and implications for prevention and treatment. American Psychologist, 63, 111-128.
This article summarizes current research on online sexual victimization and compares it to media accounts. The authors identify the known characteristics of online crimes, victims, and offenders, using data from the nationally representative Youth Internet Safety Surveys (YISS) and the National Juvenile Online Victimization Study (N-JOV). The YISS studies surveyed Internet users aged 10-17, and the N-JOV study collected information from law enforcement agencies on Internet-related sex crimes with underage victims.
The authors note that only 5% of crimes from the N-JOV study involved the use of force, and none involved children under the age of 12. They suggest that the emotional immaturity and strong sexual feelings of young adolescents may lead them to develop romantic attachments to people they meet online. The authors point out that traditional therapeutic treatment that emphasizes recovery from abuse may not be appropriate for youth who do not identify as victims, and that new models need to be developed. They recommend that prevention efforts with adolescents be targeted, age-appropriate, and include frank discussions of sexuality and the hazards of relationships with older people. Finally, they caution that the dynamic and evolving sphere of electronic communication, including text messaging and new online technologies, make continuing research into monitoring online environments essential to prevent victimization.