Sexual violence was measured as nonconsensual sexual acts, abusive sexual contacts, staff sexual misconduct, and staff sexual harassment. Results of the review revealed that 5,528 allegations of sexual violence were recorded in 2004, with prison systems reporting 42% of those allegations. Specifically, staff sexual misconduct yielded the highest rate (with 1.31 allegations/1,000 inmates) and inmate-on-inmate nonconsensual acts yielded the second highest rate (1.16 allegations/1,000 inmates). Additional rates are reviewed concerning substantiated incidents, victim and perpetrator demographics, and administrative responses to sexual violence within corrections.
These summaries were written by SVPEP staff and are based on original papers published within the last 6 years. The information available on this web site is provided as a public service and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the U.S. Centers of Disease Control and Prevention, the Arizona Department of Health Services, or the University of Arizona. To conduct an individual search or locate older articles use the Search Summary Database which includes over 600 articles related to sexual violence.
Male Rape
Beck, A. J., & Hughes, T. A. (2005). Sexual violence reported by correctional authorities, 2004. Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of Justice. NCJ 210333. Available online at: http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/svrca04.htm
Sat, 2005-01-01
Given the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003, this study provides a review of the 2004 administrative survey of sexual violence in adult and juvenile corrections (public and private prisons, jails, juvenile facilities, and others).
Chapleau, K.M., Oswald, D.L., & Russell, B.L. (2008). Male rape myths: The role of gender, violence, and sexism. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23, 600-615.
Sun, 2008-06-01
The study examines gender differences in rape myths and the ideologies that support male rape myths.
The goals of this study were to examine male rape myths and to look at variables that may be associated with three male rape myths; denial, blame, and trauma. The specific variables under investigation were; acceptance of interpersonal violence, sex beliefs and ambivalent sexism towards men. The study sample consisted of 423 college students from a medium sized, private Catholic university and a small Eastern public college. Using the Male Rape Myth Scale, the results found that men were more supportive of rape myths in general than women. Both men’s and women’s acceptance of rape myths did not significantly differ based on the gender of the victim. Ideologies that support rape of women were also associated with rape myths about men.
The sample size was small, primarily female (65%), and Caucasian (85%).
Choudhary, E., Coben, J., & Bossarte, R. M. (2009). Adverse health outcomes, perpetrator characteristics, and sexual violence victimization among U.S. adult males. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, online.
Thu, 2010-01-07
Men who experienced unwanted attempted intercourse and attempted completed intercourse reported poor mental health and life satisfaction, limited activity, and low emotional and social support.
The 2005 and 2006 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System surveys were used to examine sexual violence victimization among men. Three categories of sexual violence victimization were used: attempted forced intercourse (AI), completed unwanted intercourse (CI), and attempted and completed victimization (ACI). Prevalence of sexual violence victimization was over 5%. Men who reported AI or CI reported poor mental health, poor life satisfaction, activity limitations, and infrequent emotional or social support. Relationship characteristics suggested that men were more likely to be victimized by friend, acquaintance, or coworker and men who reported ACI were more likely to be victimized by male parent, guardian, or stranger. If a female perpetrator was reported she was more likely to be a former intimate partner. Results suggested that professionals should consider similarities in demographics and associations of health outcomes among male and female victims.
Questions were worded differently in the 2005 and 2006 surveys that could have resulted in different results and interpretations.
Hensley, C., Koscheski, M., & Tewksbury, R. (2005). Examining the characteristics of male sexual assault targets in a southern maximum-security prison. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 20, 667-679.
Sat, 2005-01-01
The topic of prison sexuality, in particular male inmate sexual assault, has not received enough attention.
In this paper, the authors present an overview of the literature concerning sexual victimization among inmates whereby the purpose of this study is to elucidate demographic and behavioral characteristics of targets of sexual assault within correctional facilities. The sample included 142 inmates from within a maximum-security correctional facility for men. Inmates were given a questionnaire that included items addressing consensual inmate sex and sexual coercion/assault. Results demonstrated that, while incarcerated, 18.3% of the sample had been sexual targets and 8.5% had been sexually assaulted. Additional findings are presented along with a discussion of the significance of sexual orientation as a risk factor for sexual victimization during incarceration.
Male Rape | Prevalence | Prison Rape | Risk
Light, D. & Monk-Turner, E. (2008). Circumstances surrounding male sexual assault and rape. Findings from the National Violence against Women Survey. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 24, 1849 - 1858.
Sun, 2009-02-01
National sample of male victims reveals low rates of physical injury, penetration, help seeking behavior, and reporting to police.
This study used data from 219 male respondents who disclosed sexual assault or rape victimization during the 1994-1996 National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAW). The respondents were asked questions about the circumstances of their assault including physical injury, penetration, threats, weapon use, alcohol use, help sought after the attack, and report of the attack to police. Findings indicated that 89% reported no physical injury, 67% reported no penetration, 12% reported the assault to police, 16% reported being under the influence during the assault, and 29% sought help after the assault. The authors suggested that the finding suggest that clinical samples may be overrepresentive of men who victims of sexual violence.
The study included a small sample of male victims.
Male Rape | Prevalence | Risk
Masho, S. W. & Anderson, L. (2009). Sexual assault in men: A population-based study in Virginia. Violence and Victims, 24, 98-110.
Fri, 2010-02-05
Men reported that most sexual assaults occurred during childhood and adolescents. Depression and suicidal ideation were associated with assaults and only about 15% sought help.
Between 2002 and 2003 a telephone survey was conducted with 705 men in Virginia to examine rates of sexual. Lifetime prevalence of sexual assault was 12.9% and 40% of the assaults occurred before victims were 12 years of age. The most common forms of sexual assault were non-forcible child molestation (6.4%) and non-forcible child rape (4.5%). Men assaulted as children were 2 times more likely to report suicidal ideation and 3 times as likely to report depression. Prevalence of sexual assault decreased with age and men with increased educational attainment were more likely to report sexual assault. The authors recommended that primary prevention efforts should be targeted at boys.
Compared to the entire male population in Virginia the study sample was older, more educated, and more likely to be married. Results may not be generalizable to all men in Virginia or other states.
Miller, K. L. (2010). The darkest figure of crime: Perceptions of reasons for male inmates to not report sexual assault. Justice Quarterly, 27, 692-712.
Wed, 2011-01-05
Inmates reported that sexual assault is not reported in correctional facilities because of embarrassment, fear of harassment, and retaliation from the perpetrator.
This study examined the reasons male inmates perceived that their peers do not report sexual assault among 396 inmates in 8 Texas prisons. This study is part of a larger project, The Prison Climate Survey. The three most common reasons inmates believed that sexual assault is not reported are embarrassment, retaliation from other inmates, and a fear of harassment and continued victimization by other inmates. Older inmates and minority populations were more likely to report a fear of harassment as the primary reason to not report. Inmates who were more educated reported that fear of retaliation was the primary reason not to report. Inmates in facilities with more correctional officers were more likely to report not wanting to be placed in safekeeping as a result of reporting. Inmates should be educated on sexual assault and inmates who feel most marginalized (older & minority inmates) should be targeted for additional education programs. Inmates should receive certain protections if they report sexual assault.
The study examined perceptions of sexual victimization, not actual sexual victimization.
Prospero, M., & Fawson, P. (2010). Sexual coercion and mental health symptoms among heterosexual men: The pressure to say “yes”. American Journal of Men’s Health, 4, 98-103.
Wed, 2011-03-30
Men who experience IPV are more likely to report anxiety and somatic symptoms.
This study examined the prevalence of heterosexual intimate partner sexual, physical, and psychological violence (IPV) and mental health problems among 370 male students from a southeastrn university in the United States. Mental health symptoms examined included: anxiety, depression, hostility, and somatic symtoms. Findings indicated that 39% of men reported sexual IPV, 44% reported physical IPV, and 81% reported psychological IPV. Men who reported sexual IPV were more likely to experience anxiety and somatic symptoms. Men who reported high psychological IPV were more likely to report hostility. Males experienced more “insisted” sexual coercion than forced sexual coercion. Authors suggested that IPV experienced by males may threaten masculinity and lead to future violence and feelings of inadequacy. Primary prevention programs should teach men and women that it is acceptable for men to refuse sex from female intimate partners.
A causal relationship between IPV and mental health symptoms could not be determined.
Sleath, E. & Bull, R. (2009). Male rape victim and perpetrator blaming. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, online.
Fri, 2010-02-05
Male rape myth acceptance may be associated with male rape victim blaming.
One hundred sixteen male and female undergraduate participants were presented with scenarios online in which the level of rape myths and the type of rape were manipulated. Victim blame, perpetrator blame, belief in a just world, sex-role egalitarian beliefs, and male rape myth acceptance were examined. Male rape acceptance was found to be a predictor of victim blaming. Acquaintance rape victims were blamed more than victims of stranger rape. Belief in a just world was not a predictor of perpetrator or victim blaming. Sex-role egalitarian beliefs predicted perpetrator blaming but not victim blaming. The study highlighted the importance of understanding how rape myths may influence the level of blame directed towards the victim and perpetrator. Myth acceptance may affect jury decisions and police officers’ interactions with victims and perpetrators.
The sexual orientation of male victims was not presented in the scenarios. Sexual orientation may influence level of blame assigned to victim or perpetrator.
Stermac, L., Del Bove, G., Addison, M. (2004). Stranger and acquaintance sexual assault of adult males. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 19, 901-915.
Fri, 2006-12-01
Sexual assaults of males by strangers tend to occur outdoors and are more likely to involve weapons and multiple perpetrators than assaults perpetrated by acquaintances. Severity and types of injuries due to sexual assault are similar in men and women.
In this descriptive study, researchers looked at the records of three groups of clients at a Canadian Sexual Assault Care Center: male victims of stranger assault (n=64); male victims of non-stranger assault (n=81); and female victims of non-stranger assault (n=106). Male survivors from both groups were more likely to be living in shelters, institutions (such as transitional housing) or on the street. They were also significantly more likely to have a physical disability than female victims of non-stranger assault. While acquaintance assaults of men and women usually took place in the assailant’s home (44.3% vs. 43.4%), male acquaintance assaults were significantly more likely to take place in an institution (10.1% vs 0%). Stranger assaults of men were more likely to take place outside, involve multiple perpetrators, and involve use of a weapon, although injuries were similar among the groups. All received similar levels of care at the hospital, although men were admitted more often than women. The findings suggested that men who were homeless and disabled were at higher risk for sexual assault by strangers, and that safer housing options were needed.
Walker, J., Archer, J., & Davies, M. (2005). Effects of rape on men: A descriptive analysis. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 34, 69-80.
Fri, 2006-12-01
Male victims of rape tend to react in an emotionally “controlled” way (calm, composed or subdued) immediately after the event. Long-term effects of sexual assault on men include depression, anger, anxiety, and emotional distancing from others.
To describe the experiences of male rape victims who were not in a clinical setting, men who had been anally raped were recruited to participate in a mail-in survey. Forty men provided details of the assault, their immediate reactions, and the long-term effects. Seventy percent of the men were between the ages of 16-25 when the incident occurred. Only 10% of the rapes were committed by strangers. Most men (87%) felt frozen fear, helplessness, or submission during the attack, although some (27%) were able to fight back at least somewhat. The majority of men reported that feeling helpless and out of control was worse than the sexual aspects of the assault. Almost all of the men reported long-term depression as a consequence of the assault, and most experienced long-term confusion about their sexual identity. Recommendations included providing male victims the same support services offered to women, and more community education and outreach to increase awareness of the prevalence and impact of male rape.
Wolff, N., Blitz, C., Shi, J., Bachman, R., Siegel, J. (2006). Sexual violence inside prisons: Rates of victimization. Journal of Urban Health, 83, 835-848.
Sun, 2006-10-01
Sexual victimization in prisons (including sexual contact and nonconsensual sex acts) occurs most frequently between female inmates.
To estimate the prevalence of sexual violence in a prison system, male (n=6,964) and female inmates (n=564) in twelve prisons in a small eastern state completed a computer-assisted survey. Inmates were asked about incidents involving abusive sexual contact and non-consensual sex acts by other inmates or by prison staff within the last 6 months. Females reported inmate-on-inmate sexual violence at 212 incidents per 1000 inmates while males reported only 43 incidents per 1000 inmates. Rates of non-consensual sex (inmate on inmate) were 32 per 1000 for women and 15 per for men. Staff-on-inmate sexual victimization rates were the same for men and women (76 per 1000), with men reporting 19 per 1000 incidents of non-consensual sex vs. 17 per 1000 for women. This study had a good response rate (average 39%) from all inmates housed in general population. Because rates of sexual violence varied by the site, future studies should look at factors that can minimize risks. Inmate experiences of trauma and disease from forced sex should be addressed to prevent them from contributing to the ill health of their community when they are released.